By Jose R. Capablanca
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34 myanmar – the state , community and the environment When this is realised, the ‘struggle’ loses quite a bit of its meaning. What is happening now can be seen as only the inevitable working itself out. It is universally agreed that there should not be a return to an authoritarian system, but if the military should not continue with the systems, constructs and methods of the unhappy past, the same should apply for the other side—the democratic opposition. In one sense, it is a huge disappointment.
The misfortunes of the tabye are said to reflect a weakening of the power of the hsaya (teacher, or benefactor in this case). Their demotions involved reassignment to either ministerial or War Office appointments in Rangoon/Yangon. While it is true that getting kicked upstairs in this fashion has to represent a demotion from the quite powerful position of a regional command, not all kicks upstairs are equal or constitute an unequivocal loss of face and power for the hsaya. 5 In the past, many thought that Than Shwe placed only his most trusted generals in the War Office.
Even if the leadership does not address this problem head-on, however, the common experience of poverty, or at least of diminished economic expectations, is probably unlikely—in the short term—to create sympathies and linkages between the equally impoverished civilians and soldiers, or at least not linkages significant enough to spark major political reform. The rich–poor gap in the military, however, is likely to influence Burma/Myanmar further down the road, as rentseeking by officers will continue to hamper economic development efforts.